Post-Reform Chinese Political Dynamics in North Sumatera
Palacheta Subies Subianto, R. Hamdani Harahap
a
, Nurman Achmad
b
and Warjio
c
Doctoral Program of Development Studies, Faculty of Social dan Political Studies, Universitas Sumatera Utara,
Jl. Prof. Dr. A. Sofyan No. 1 Kampus USU, Medan, Indonesia
Keywords: Political Dynamics, Ethnic Politics, Ethnicity
Abstract: One of the positive impacts of the 1998 Reformation was the opening of the tap of opportunity for all citizens
to be directly involved in electoral politics as political actors elected at the ballot box or as constituents who
have the right to vote. Courage then grows to uphold democracy for both minority and majority groups. There
are several important reasons that underlie the ethnic Chinese in North Sumatra who were previously less
interested in getting into politics, starting to enter the general election arena to participate in the contestation
as executive and legislative candidates. The purpose of this study is to explain how the political dynamics of
ethnic Chinese in North Sumatra after the Reformation. The research method is qualitative with descriptive
analysis. The results of this study describe the social dynamics of the ethnic Chinese before the reformation,
the reasons for the involvement of the ethnic Chinese in North Sumatra to be involved in politics and the
social and political impact of the involvement of the ethnic Chinese in contesting the general election in North
Sumatra after the Reformation.
1 INTRODUCTION
Research related to ethnic identity politics in the last
decade has attracted the attention of experts and
researchers in Indonesia. Especially if it is linked to
the democratic process in the general election after
the end of the New Order Regime for 32 years. Where
one of the positive impacts of the 1998 Reformation
was the opening of the tap of opportunity for all
citizens to be directly involved in electoral politics as
political actors elected at the ballot box or as
constituents who have the right to vote (Setijad,
2016).
Courage then grew to uphold democracy for both
minority and majority groups, including ethnic
Chinese who during President Soeharto's
administration were not too interested in politics but
after reformation began to open up to politics
(Pratama, 2016). There are several important reasons
that underlie the ethnic Chinese in North Sumatra
who were previously less interested in getting into
politics, starting to enter the general election arena to
participate in the contestation as executive and
legislative candidates.
a
https://orcid.org/0000-0002-0391-5877
b
https://orcid.org/0000-0002-7452-3918
c
https://orcid.org/0000-0002-3356-3446
One of the reasons is that political openness after
the reformation era moved figures of Chinese ethnic
descent in North Sumatra to engage directly in
practical political activities as politicians. As it is
known that previously the Chinese were more
involved as entrepreneurs and traders in regional
development indirectly or the inherent image as
ethnic intermediaries tended to be politicized by
various political interests.
Ethnic Chinese entrepreneurs in North Sumatra
are increasingly aware that regional development
must be directly involved in the formal political
system in order to make changes quickly to keep up
with the current political changes. The business
network capital and financial strength certainly help
the ethnic Chinese elites to compete with other
politicians who are used to electoral battles.
However, the increasingly wide-open current of
political change from political parties to attract
figures, especially those with business networks and
financial strength, is a practical political fact for
ethnic Chinese businessmen to become politicians.
In general, not all ethnic Chinese who fought in
the election managed to sit as regional heads or
98
Subianto, P., Harahap, R., Achmad, N. and Warjio, .
Post-Reform Chinese Political Dynamics in North Sumatera.
DOI: 10.5220/0011530100003460
In Proceedings of the 4th International Conference on Social and Political Development (ICOSOP 2022) - Human Security and Agile Government, pages 98-103
ISBN: 978-989-758-618-7; ISSN: 2975-8300
Copyright
c
2023 by SCITEPRESS – Science and Technology Publications, Lda. Under CC license (CC BY-NC-ND 4.0)
members of the legislature. However, not a few
politicians of ethnic Chinese descent can be elected
and even become elites in a political party in North
Sumatra. For example; A doctor and a philanthropist
social activist named Sofyan Tan, in the 2010
regional head election in Medan City, he ran in pairs
with a female education figure named Nelly
Armayanti.
At that time there were 10 pairs of candidates and
the pair Sofyan Tan-Nelly Armayanti entered the 2nd
round but lost to the pair Rahudman Harahap-Zdulmi
Eldin who was eventually elected Mayor and Deputy
Mayor for 2010-2015. However, after losing in the
Regional Head Election, in the 2014 legislative
election, politician of ethnic Chinese descent, Sofyan
Tan did not give up and was discouraged, he then ran
again and was successfully elected to parliament from
the PDI-P from the constituency of North Sumatra I
which covers the area, namely the City of Medan,
Deli Serdang Regency, Serdang Bedagai Regency
and Tebing Tinggi City.
Then another ethnic Chinese descendant, Hasyim
SE, who currently serves as the chairman of the
parliament in Medan City for the 2019-2024 period.
Then, there is the name Iskandar ST who succeeded
in occupying the chairman of the North Sumatra
Nasional Demokrat Party which was previously led
by H.T Erry Nuradi who is a senior politician and also
the Governor of North Sumatra. Not only that, the
PDI Perjuangan politician named Brilian Moktar is
also a descendant of ethnic Chinese who managed to
sit as a member of parliament in North Sumatra for
two terms.
The dynamics of success of the ethnic Chinese
political elite in North Sumatra brought a shift in the
voting behavior of the people of North Sumatra.
Where sociological factors, religion, ethnicity play an
important role in the rational choice of society. This
strengthens the argument that the journey of the
ethnic Chinese in politics in North Sumatra has been
accepted by the wider community. Of course, this is
very dynamic and does not run automatically,
considering that if it cannot be managed properly, the
situation for the entry of ethnic Chinese into politics
will continue.
The existence of ethnic Chinese in politics cannot
be separated from the social changes of the Chinese
ethnicity in improving their Chinese image, by
shifting the traditional Chinese image to a nationalist
Chinese (Yudono et al., 2018). This tendency
continues to develop among the younger generation,
where they They no longer master traditional Chinese
customs and instead participate in assimilate and
learn the culture of other ethnicities so that this new
packaging and image is more acceptable to local
community groups (Ho, 1985).
Ethnic Chinese citizens who used to only
routinely cast their votes, have slowly but surely
begun to participate in political contestations, both
legislative elections and regional head elections
(Jayusman, 2019). This means that through the direct
involvement of ethnic Chinese on the political stage
in North Sumatra, it will automatically build
interactions between ethnic Chinese politicians and
other communities. This is certainly good for non-
Chinese people in North Sumatra because there is a
cultural understanding that can have a direct impact
on regional development.
The Chinese trade ethos and mentality that puts
forward mutual trust and efficiency certainly builds
representation, not falsehood between the people and
their representatives in parliament. The fact that
ethnic Chinese descendants have started to exist in
North Sumatra politics has a positive impact on the
beliefs and motivations of ethnic Chinese in the
public policy process. The purpose of this study is to
explain how the political dynamics of the ethnic
Chinese in North Sumatra after the Reformation.
2 RESEARCH METHODS
The writing of this article uses a descriptive analytical
research method with a qualitative approach. The use
of this method is intended, referring to (Creswell,
2016) Researchers can focus on phenomena that
occur on problems or phenomena that are actual at the
time the research is carried out, then describe the facts
about the problem being investigated as they are
accompanied by rational and accurate interpretations.
This method will help researchers to understand the
realities that occur regarding the political dynamics of
the ethnic Chinese in North Sumatra after the
Reformation. Then the primary data of this research
was obtained by the author from journals, books and
documents or reports related to the research focus.
The author then analyzes the phenomenon of the case
inductively regarding the social dynamics of the
Chinese before the reform, the reasons for the
involvement of the Chinese in North Sumatra to be
involved in politics and the social and political impact
of the involvement of the ethnic Chinese in contesting
the general election in North Sumatra after the
Reformation.
Post-Reform Chinese Political Dynamics in North Sumatera
99
3 RESULTS AND DISCUSSION
3.1 Chinese Ethnic Social Dynamics
Before Reform
The existence of ethnic Chinese in Indonesia,
including in North Sumatra Province, has existed for
hundreds of years, even before the Proclamation of
Indonesian Independence was read on August 17,
1945. Several residents of ethnic Chinese descent
even participated in seizing and defending Indonesian
independence. Such as: Tjia Giok Thwam who was a
fighter with the military rank of Second Lieutenant of
Chinese descent who was involved in the battle in
Surabaya in 1945. Then there was a name, Lie Eng
Hok, a journalist who had spearheaded the Banten
rebellion movement against the Dutch East Indies
government. Then there is the name Ferry Sie King
Lien who fought in the Solo battle in 1949. Then
Liem Koen Hian is a journalist and politician who
succeeded in founding the Chinese Indonesian Party
(PTI from Banjarmasin and ethnic Chinese descent
named John Lie, a naval military officer who
defended independence Indonesia in Cilacap (Chen,
2022).
In its development, during the New Order era, the
existence of ethnic Chinese was a crucial problem
that had a very complex level of complexity. The
problem is so complex, not only regarding its national
identity, but also the political, economic and cultural
issues that are developing in Indonesia (Lubis, 1995).
The negative image of the Chinese Ethnic in the New
Order government, which was seen in its policies,
resulted in many ethnic Chinese being discriminated
against. One of the policies carried out by the New
Order Regime was the issuance of Presidential
Instruction Number 14 of 1967 which contained a ban
on Chinese religious activities, beliefs, and customs
in Indonesia. Through this policy, the government of
President Soeharto gave discriminatory treatment and
restricted the Chinese ethnic group in social and
political matters.
Of course, the policy of the New Order Regime
continued the policy of Dutch colonialism so that the
Chinese did not merge with the community. This also
happened in several areas in North Sumatra. For
example, regarding the discrimination experienced by
ethnic Chinese in Medan City, there were not many
Chinese people who entered and were in government
(Tan, 1994).
However, the spirit of economic development in
North Sumatra Province became important as a
turning point for the social dynamics of the Chinese
ethnic. Moreover, settlements based on plural
ethnicity began to occur in the province of North
Sumatra, where the separation of regions based on
ethnicity was part of the policy of Dutch colonialism
by separating one ethnic group from another. Until
the Javanese village area, Mandailing village, Indian
village (rivet) and Chinese settlements were formed
in Medan City, North Sumatra Province (Pelly,
1994).
Another reason why ethnic Chinese were
discriminated against (Coppel, 1994) during the New
Order Regime was that many ethnic Chinese were
accused of being involved in the left, so that many
ethnic Chinese figures were arrested. It is clear that
the Chinese have experienced political trauma as a
result of the massacre of ethnic Chinese carried out in
the early days of Suharto's rule. The massacre of
ethnic Chinese was indicated as a follow-up to the
government which took the pretext of suppressing the
events of September 30, 1965.
This is also the reason, regarding the National
Identity Card and birth certificate, ethnic Chinese
must include Proof of Citizenship of the Republic of
Indonesia. Where most of the adherents of the
Confucian Religion in North Sumatra end up
registering other religions on their Identity Cards, if
they do not choose one of the existing religions, it is
the same as not getting their rights as citizens and
even being accused of being part of the Indonesian
Communist Party which creates no space for citizens
of ethnic Chinese descent in Indonesian politics.
It was only during the Reformation period, when
President Abdulrahman Wahid (Gus Dur) became
President of the Republic of Indonesia, that the
situation changed. The fourth president of the
Republic of Indonesia on January 17, 2000, President
Gus Dur made a historic and monumental decision.
Gus Dur issued Presidential Instruction No. 6 of 2000
which revoked Presidential Instruction No. 14 of
1967 which contained a ban on Chinese religious
activities, beliefs, and customs in Indonesia. Gusdur's
policy gave birth to the freedom of ethnic Chinese in
carrying out religious rituals, customs, and allowed
the expression of their culture in Indonesia (Lubis,
2015).
So it is very relevant behind Gus Dur's idea when
it comes to abolishing all racist and discriminatory
regulations in Indonesia. The idea was born so that
the values contained in the spirit of anti-racism reflect
into the souls and lives of all elements of the nation.
The value of sincerity, the spirit of anti-racism
struggle, and respect for fellow citizens of the nation.
This is very important for the future of the nation in
the future. This is the starting point for the opening of
ICOSOP 2022 - International Conference on Social and Political Development 4
100
the Ethnic Chinese accessibility in politics in
Indonesia, including in North Sumatra Province.
3.2 Reasons for Involvement Ethnic
Chinese in North Sumatra Are
Involved in Politics
President Gus Dur's policy of issuing Presidential
Instruction (Inpres) No. 6 of 2000 which contained
the repeal of Presidential Instruction No. 14 of 1967
which contained a ban on Chinese religious activities,
beliefs, and customs in Indonesia, was a momentum
for Ethnic Chinese Descendants to enter politics in
Sumatra. North. Ethnic Chinese have a long history
in many areas of North Sumatra Province. They are
citizens of Indonesian descent who feel they have a
debt of gratitude to advance the Province of North
Sumatra through the policy and development process.
Of course, the motivation is that being elected as
a public official, either as a member of the legislature
or as an executive member of the policy process by
citizens of Chinese descent can improve many aspects
(La Ode, 2012). As; economy, infrastructure,
defence, education and technology, institutions, and
culture. Development in North Sumatra Province has
become a transformation of change for the better
through planned efforts. In the context of North
Sumatra Province, expectations for the
Transformation influenced by the Chinese Ethnic
directly touch the economic structure with the
increase and rapid production growth in the industrial
and service sectors. So that the contribution of the
ethnic Chinese to the income of the community is
getting bigger along with the opening of many jobs
and the decline in the unemployment rate.
Post-reform, especially in the period from 2005 to
2021, the contribution of the Chinese ethnic in
development in North Sumatra Province looks great.
The main thing is regarding the open involvement of
the Chinese in politics, which continues to develop
and gets the attention of the public. Politician Sofyan
Tan, for example, when he was elected as a member
of the Indonesian House of Representatives in the
2019 General Election which then won the most votes
in North Sumatra with 109,374 votes, defeating other
political figures who are much more famous such as
Yasonna Laoly (Minister of Law and Human Rights),
H.T Erry Nuradi Former) Governor of North
Sumatra, Tifatul Sembiring from Partai Keadilan
Sejahtera, and Father Muhammad Syafii from the
Partai Gerindra (Antara News.com, 2019).
What made Sofyan Tan's voice so high in his
constituency was his clear policies related to the
construction of schools, hospitals and his attention to
small businesses in helping the community so that
Sofyan Tan gained such great trust from the
community. This is certainly a role model and
excellence for the ethnic Chinese of Chinese descent
in the economic field to contribute to development in
North Sumatra through the political process
(Erniwati, 2007.
Of course, the superiority of the Chinese in the
economic field cannot be separated from the kinship
ties that provide the internal social network among
the Chinese entrepreneurs with the social network as
an anchor. Where trust and commitment to political
promises inspire the formation of social networks,
which start from kinship ties and bonds of friendship
that exist within the ethnic Chinese community itself.
Another factor that motivates ethnic Chinese
descendants to enter politics is to provide hope and a
new picture that politics is a free space that can be
accessed by all groups. In addition, the presence of
ethnic Chinese in politics is proof to the public that
their difference in politics is a positive thing and
eliminates the stereotypes that were inherent during
the reign of President Soeharto. So that the
involvement of ethnic Chinese descendants in North
Sumatra in politics will automatically give a new
color to existing political life. Mainly about diversity
and tolerance in North Sumatra.
3.3 The Social Impact of Ethnic
Chinese Involvement in Politics
In general, the involvement of ethnic Chinese descent
into politics in North Sumatra has an impact on
increasing public confidence in diversity and
tolerance. In particular, of course, the social impact
on the confidence of the people of ethnic Chinese
descent in interpreting themselves as an inseparable
part of Indonesia which was discriminated against
during the administration of President Soeharto
during the New Order era.
Of course, the pioneers of ethnic Chinese descent
who first entered politics will encourage people to
participate in politics. So that the ethnic Chinese
community feels that participation in formal
discussions and news in the mass media with political
themes is important for them. It must be admitted that
it takes a very long time to break through the
limitations or at least increase the role of the ethnic
Chinese community in politics. The reason is the
attitude and behavior of ethnic Chinese descent who
prioritize the economic side rather than looking at
politics which is not considered a priority.
Despite their own political instincts, the ethnic
Chinese still have a tendency to gain public office
Post-Reform Chinese Political Dynamics in North Sumatera
101
through the election process. Of course, this is their
motivation for ethnic Chinese descent who are
included in the structure and intend to nominate
themselves as members of the local parliament in
North Sumatra, become members of the senate from
North Sumatra or nominate themselves as members
of the Indonesia parliament from the electoral
districts in North Sumatra.
For this reason, the political attitudes and behavior
of ethnic Chinese descendants in North Sumatra after
the Reformation are certainly determined by the
process of political socialization they experience.
Political socialization of ethnic Chinese descent is a
process in which individuals passively accept the
values, attitudes, and political roles that will be
implemented in their society, while actively
developing their pattern of independence through
public policies to place ethnic Chinese descent into a
role in Sumatran North society.
This of course does not stand alone, but there is
support from stakeholders including political parties
in North Sumatra in conducting cadre recruitment for
residents of ethnic Chinese descent. Through political
socialization, each party in North Sumatra actually
shows the process of forming political attitudes and
behavior patterns and is also a means for generations
to pass down the line of demarcation that political
beliefs must be carried out through virtue. Of course,
when more and more ethnic Chinese descendants in
North Sumatra are involved in politics, it will have an
impact on the next generation. That there is hope
through politics and public policy to erase and erode
the bad memories of the past that are obtained by
ethnic Chinese descendants in North Sumatra.
4 CONCLUSIONS
Ethnic descendants of Chinese descent have a long
history of social and political dynamics in North
Sumatra Province. Being an inseparable part in the
history of seizing independence and defending the
independence of the Republic of Indonesia, ethnic
Chinese descendants were discriminated against
during the New Order Regime. The policy of
President Abdulrahman Wahid (Gus Dur) which
issued Presidential Instruction (Inpres) No. 6 of 2000
which contained the repeal of Presidential Instruction
No. 14 of 1967 which contained a ban on Chinese
religious activities, beliefs, and customs in Indonesia.
into politics in North Sumatra.
Through electoral battles in the legislative and
regional head elections, politicians of Chinese ethnic
descent in North Sumatra have slowly received
attention and positive responses from the voting
community. Several Chinese figures were later
elected to become members of the local Parliament in
North Sumatra, became members of the Indonesia
parliament from electoral districts in North Sumatra
and some even became the Chair of the local
parliament in Medan City for the 2019-20224 period.
This is very important in removing Chinese
citizens from getting negative stereotypes. Through
the involvement of ethnic Chinese descent in politics,
a person's psychological bond with one particular
political party or organization is formed in the form
of sympathy for the organization or political party. So
that psychological bonds are formed as party
identification that does not discriminate against
ethnicity and ethnicity. Identification of ethnic
Chinese descendants in North Sumatra is equal to
other citizens so that negative perceptions are not
based on ethnicity or ethnicity in North Sumatra but
because of the behavior of politicians themselves.
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