Power in Contest, Hegemony in Harmony:

Study of The Position of Chinese Associations in North Sumatra

Towards Chinese Ethnic Legislative Candidates in the Legislative

Elections of North Sumatra in 2019

Valdesz Junianto Nainggolan, Humaizi, Heri Kusmanto and Hatta Ridho

Doctoral Program of Development Studies, Faculty of Social Science and Political Science,

Universitas Sumatera Utara, Jl. Prof. Dr. A. Sofyan No. 1 Kampus USU, Medan, Indonesia

Keywords: Chinese, Elections, Ethnicity, North Sumatra, Politics

Abstract: Awakened by education awareness and longing for identity, the history of the political life of the Chinese

elite in this country is very interesting to study. The uniqueness of the role (especially social, cultural,

economic, and political) of the Chinese in Indonesia is illustrated in the long journey of the Indonesian nation.

It is important to divide the historical roots of Chinese politics in Indonesia into several periods. The

determination of this period is based on arguments linking the Chinese political role with the three stages of

the struggle of the Indonesian people, namely the pre-nationalism stage (1900-1907), the proto-nationalism

stage (1908-1926), and the actual stage of Indonesian nationalism (1927-1942). This study is aimed at

examining the interest of ethnic Chinese in entering the world of practical politics, which triggers the author

to examine the ideology of ethnic Chinese associations in discourse and socio-political reality in North

Sumatra, and to see more clearly and validly the growth of thoughts of ethnic Chinese in North Sumatra about

values of political and national development. This study seeks to reveal the power relations between ethnic

Chinese associations and the Chinese ethical community in local political contestations in Sumatra. In the end,

this study will be able to find the relationship between the dominance and hegemony by the elite of Chinese

associations against the ethnic Chinese and the ideological motives in these power relations.

1 INTRODUCTION

It is important to divide the historical roots of Chinese

politics in Indonesia into several periods. The

determination of this period is based on arguments

linking the Chinese political role with the three stages

of the struggle of the Indonesian people, namely the

pre-nationalism stage (1900-1907), the proto-

nationalism stage (1908-1926), and the actual stage

of Indonesian nationalism (1927-1942).

This stage was added again in the post-

independence period, namely the Old Order (1945-

1966), the New Order regime (1967-1998), and the

Reformation era (1998 to date). Most of the published

literature notes that the political awareness of this

ethnic group was formed through the modern Tiong

Hoa Hwe Kwan (THHK) association in 1900, earlier

than the first national association "Boedi Oetomo"

which was founded in 1908 (Liao et. al, 1981).

The presence of various elite Chinese associations in

Indonesia at that time was inseparable from the

influence of nationalism and modernization that had

grown in China since the late 19th century. In the

early days there were 3 types of orientation for

Chinese ethnic groups in Indonesia, namely:

1. The China-oriented association, represented by

THHK in the field of education and culture, Sin

Po in the field of newspapers, Siang Hwee in the

field of trade, and Soe Po Sia in the political

field.

2. The Dutch-educated intellectual group oriented

to the Dutch East Indies government represented

by the Chung Hua Hui (CHH) group.

3. The Indonesian-oriented ethnic Chinese

nationalist group. This group was represented

by the Chinese Indonesian Party (Suryadinata,

1975).

332

Nainggolan, V., Humaizi, ., Kusmanto, H. and Ridho, H.

Power in Contest, Hegemony in Harmony: Study of the Position of Chinese Associations in North Sumatra Towards Chinese Ethnic Legislative Candidates in the Legislative Elections of

North Sumatra in 2019.

DOI: 10.5220/0011567600003460

In Proceedings of the 4th International Conference on Social and Political Development (ICOSOP 2022) - Human Security and Agile Government, pages 332-338

ISBN: 978-989-758-618-7; ISSN: 2975-8300

 2023 by SCITEPRESS – Science and Technology Publications, Lda. Under CC license (CC BY-NC-ND 4.0)

Figure 1: Periodization and orientation of Chinese

associations.

The history of the Chinese political role in the

country is actually quite long, but the author limits it

by looking for the historical roots of Chinese politics

in Indonesia during the era of the Indonesian national

movement. This choice was made based on

arguments linking the Chinese political role with the

two stages of the struggle of the Indonesian nation,

namely the proto-nationalist stage (1908-1926), and

the actual stage of Indonesian nationalism (1927-

1942), namely when the concept of a nation state,

symbol, flag, and song was adopted. nationality

began to emerge.

According to Ufen (2006), ethnic Chinese are

trying to get out of the stigma as a neutral group on

the political stage. On the other hand, geopolitically,

China's influence is getting bigger in Southeast Asia

and is expanding at the global level. The same thing

also happened to Indonesia, which is the largest

country in the Southeast Asia region and has

sufficient potential to grow as a “giant” country at the

Asia Pacific level. Of course, in the perspective of

international relations that are free and active and

prioritize the interests of the nation, Indonesia will

choose a path that is closer to China.

This closeness can occur if all elements related to

the relationship between the two countries can help

each other without anything that actually makes each

other weak. In Indonesia, which is pluralistic and

consists of several ethnicities, relations with the

Chinese are the most dynamic, both in terms of

historical and political ethnography. In fact, the

existing geopolitical challenges are closely related to

the ethnic Chinese and their ancestral country, China.

If these two relationships are in harmony, the

geopolitical relationship that occurs will be even

closer because diplomatic patterns can be formed

starting from state to state (Government to

Government, company to company (Business to

Business) and between people from both (People to

People).

This conclusion is reflected in the thoughts of

Anwar (2019) and Tanasaldy (2013), in which they

published various scientific works that observed the

political movements and activities of the Chinese,

including their correlation in the increasingly warm

and open China-Indonesia relations. However,

Suryadinata (1990) thinks that until now the relations

between the two countries have not been as perfect

and perfect as imagined because they are still colored

by stereotyped views between ethnic groups at the

grassroots level.

Table 1: The orientation of Chinese ethnic groups.

Politically, the individual role of Chinese citizens

is not that significant, especially when faced with the

ups and downs of the relationship between the

Indonesian government and the PRC, which causes

the political space of the Chinese citizens to be

limited to their own organizations which are still

traditional in nature and have an economic character.

These political aspirations have in many ways been

championed by Chinese politicians, both in

parliament and non-parliamentary. Chinese

politicians in parliament continue to aspire to some of

the interests and aspirations of Chinese Indonesian

citizens.

Meanwhile, Chinese citizens outside the

parliament, most of whom are members of Chinese

organizations and communities such as Perhimpunan

INTI, PSMTI, PITI, Nabil Foundation, and online

communities continue to aspire and protect the

interests of Indonesian citizens, especially Chinese

citizens.

In general, the ethnic Chinese political elites who

are involved as politicians are those who are well-

established from an economic perspective, so their

orientation in the political arena is not to seek

economic resources. The success of ethnic Chinese

citizens to be elected as members of the legislature,

especially in the DPRD of North Sumatra and Medan



KET: 

THHK [Tiong Hoa Hwee Kwan / Rumah Perkumpulan Tionghoa] = Revitalisasi Budaya Leluhur

CHH [Chung Hua Hui] = Pro-kolonial

PTI [Partai Tionghoa Indonesia] = Anti-kolonial

SINPO [Persuratkabaran & Perkumpulan Politik] = Nasionalisme Daratan Tiongkok

BAPERKI [Badan Permusyawaratan Kewarganegaraan Indonesia] = Afiliasi PKI

LPKB

[

Kesatuan

Ban

]

Etn

hoa

THHK

SINPO

CHH

PTI

CHH

PSMTI

SETIA

SOLID

PSMTI

INTI

PARPOL



1935-19391920-19341900

DPRD

PTI

PITI

1945-1965

Motivasi Politik

Identitas Budaya

Orientasi Ekonomi

Sentimen Kebangsaan

PITI

LPKB

BAPERKI

Power in Contest, Hegemony in Harmony: Study of the Position of Chinese Associations in North Sumatra Towards Chinese Ethnic

Legislative Candidates in the Legislative Elections of North Sumatra in 2019

333

City, still fully expects the support of the elite of the

large and dominant Chinese associations, and upholds

ancestral cultural values. The association's support

for the candidates who advance is generally not

determined by the origin of the political party, but

rather by the elite's assessment of the candidate's

perspective on the concept of "nationalism".

In the context of North Sumatra, the base of

support for legislative candidates at any level still

depends on the grassroots of the ethnic Chinese. If

they fail to get the sympathy and support of the

dominant association elite, it is certain that the

candidates who compete will fail to qualify as

members of the legislature. On the other hand, the

support and sympathy from the elite of the association

with the same ideology will make it easier for

candidates from ethnic Chinese origin to get votes

and material facilities as campaign capital to win

seats in the DPRD. In Medan, for example, the Chair

of the Medan City PSMTI openly stated that PSMTI

participated in selecting ethnic Chinese candidates

and facilitated them during the campaign (“Medan

City PSMTI Ready to Select & Finance Ethnic

Chinese Candidates,” 2018).

Not only actively contributing to politics and

revitalizing ancestral culture, elite Chinese ethnic

associations are also a bridge for Chinese investors

such as PERPIT, PERMIT and ICBC (Setijadi,

2016b). PSMTI which is affiliated with APINDO has

a special relationship with the Association of

Indonesian Chinese Companies. (“PSMTI-Apindo in

Cooperation with APTI,” 2020). Meanwhile, INTI

through PERPIT is a group of Indonesian

businessmen with a Southeast Asian network that is

quite influential in China (“INTI & Perpit Builds

Business Communication”, 2018).

2 RESEARCH METHODS

2.1 Research Framework

Data collection is one of the most important stages in

research. Correct data collection techniques will

produce data that has high credibility, and vice versa.

Therefore, this stage cannot be wrong and must be

carried out carefully according to the procedures and

characteristics of qualitative research. This is because

errors or imperfections in the data collection method

will have fatal consequences, namely in the form of

non-credible data, so that the research results cannot

be accounted for.

The use of the term 'data' is actually borrowing a

term commonly used in quantitative research

methods which is usually a table of numbers.

However, in qualitative research methods what is

meant by data is all information, both oral and

written, even in the form of images or photos, that

contribute to answering the research problem as

stated in the problem formulation or research focus.

In qualitative research methods, data is usually

collected using several qualitative data collection

techniques.

2.2 Research Techniques

2.2.1 Interview

Interview is a process of communication or

interaction to collect information by means of

question and answer between the researcher and the

informant or research subject. With advances in

information technology as it is today, interviews can

be conducted without face to face, namely through

telecommunications media.

Table 2: The orientation of Chinese ethnic groups.

Sources Amount

Candidates from ethnic Chinese 12

Chairman of PSMTI 1

Chairman of INTI 1

orth Sumatran Chinese Fi

ure 9

Chinese Academic / Researche

2.2.2 Observation

In addition to interviews, observation is also one of

the most common data collection techniques in

qualitative research methods. Observation is

essentially an activity using the five senses, including

sight, smell, hearing, to obtain the information needed

to answer research problems. The results of

observations in the form of activities, events, events,

objects, certain conditions or atmosphere, and one's

emotional feelings.

2.2.3 Documents

Apart from interviews and observations, information

can also be obtained through facts stored in the form

of letters, diaries, photo archives, meeting results,

souvenirs, activity journals and so on. Data in the

form of documents like this can be used to explore

information that occurred in the past. Researchers

need to have theoretical sensitivity to interpret all

these documents so that they are not just meaningless

items.

ICOSOP 2022 - International Conference on Social and Political Development 4

334

2.2.4 Focus Group Discussion (FGD)

The last method to collect data is through a

centralized discussion (Focus Group Discussion),

which is an attempt to find the meaning of an issue by

a group of people through discussion to avoid being

misunderstood by a researcher. To avoid subjective

meaning by a researcher, a discussion group was

formed consisting of several researchers. With

several people studying an issue, it is hoped that a

more objective meaning will be obtained.

3 LITERATURE REVIEW

This study seeks to reveal the power relations

between ethnic Chinese associations and the Chinese

ethical community in local political contestations in

Sumatra. How the power relation hides the agenda of

hidden interests by using three analytical tools,

namely: Antonio Gramsci's Hegemony Theory,

Michel Foucault's Power/Knowledge Relation

Theory; and Bennedict Anderson's Theory of

Imagined Communities. In the end, this study will be

able to find the relationship between the dominance

and hegemony by the elite of Chinese associations

against the ethnic Chinese and the ideological

motives in these power relations.

3.1 Chinese

The mention of various terms for ethnic Chinese is

explained in Brahma (2018) and Ibrahim (n.d).

However, traces of the history of its use, in the early

days were written by Justus (1953) and Kroef (1953).

The writings of Ling (2016), Lombard & Salmon

(1993), and Muntholib (2008) reaffirm the various

accounts of the use of the term. In Indonesia, the term

"Chinese" itself was used for the first time to be the

name of the Tiong Hoa Hwee Koan (THKK)

association which was founded in 1900. In the

organization's documents, the term "Tjina" is also

widely used to identify their identity (Anggraeni,

2013).

3.2 Association

Purwosutjipto in Algar (2018) explains that the notion

of association is basically divided into two, namely

association in a broad sense and association in a

narrow sense. An association in a broad sense is an

association that does not have a specific personality

and cannot be distinguished from other types of

association. In an association or association there are

several people who want to achieve a goal in the non-

economic field (not for profit) agree to enter into a

cooperation whose form and method are laid out in

the articles of association or regulations or statutes.

The Big Indonesian Dictionary (KBBI) explains the

word "association" has many names including:

association, association, association, bond, union,

unity, union, and others (Andriati (2012).

3.3 Hegemony

The concept of hegemony itself was born and

developed in the flow of Marxist thought. Because

hegemony as a theory was born from the thinking of

the Marxists in Russia in the face of the Russian

monarchy. Therefore, almost all debates about

hegemony flow in the currents of Marxist thought.

The concept of hegemony is positioned to be more

neutral in viewing various forms of power relations,

both in terms of politics, literature, economy, social

and culture. Hegemony is closely related to the

concepts of power and ideology, where the three work

simultaneously, although they can also be seen

separately. Hegemony can also be seen as a two-way

practice of two subordinate relations, namely the

power of the bourgeois state and the working class.

Gramsci's conception of hegemony also refers to the

relationship between what he calls "civil society" and

"state", both of which exist at the superstructure level,

as Marx thought (Hutagalung, 2004).

3.4 Power Relations

Based on the two concepts of hegemony and power,

how can one draw a logical and related relation

between one another? How can we sew these two

concepts into an analysis of the relationship between

power and hegemony? Finally, in the next section, the

author looks at the relationship between the two

concepts, plus the concept of ideology, which in the

author's view cannot be separated from hegemony

and power. So, in the context of the theory above, this

study will describe the power relations that occurred

in the Legislative General Elections of the DPRD of

North Sumatra and Medan City which were followed

by legislative candidates (candidates) from Chinese

ethnicity, by looking at Foucault's study approach. In

Foucault's view, power relations are not understood

in a relationship of ownership as property,

acquisition, or privilege that can be held by a small

group of people and which can be threatened with

extinction (Af, 2012).

Power in Contest, Hegemony in Harmony: Study of the Position of Chinese Associations in North Sumatra Towards Chinese Ethnic

Legislative Candidates in the Legislative Elections of North Sumatra in 2019

335

3.5 Ideology

The concept of ideology is a scary word to hear and

learn during the New Order government, because at

that time there was no ideology other than Pancasila.

Basically ideology comes from Latin which consists

of two words, yaki ideo means thought; logical means

logic, science, knowledge. It can be concluded that

ideology is the science of beliefs and ideals (Prasetya,

2011). According to Steger (in Prasetya, 2011)

ideology is a system of spreading ideas, beliefs that

form a system of values and norms and ideal rules that

are accepted as fact and truth by certain groups.

Political ideology deals with the question of who

will be the leader? How were they chosen, and by

what principles did they lead? This will be related to

what kind of leader is worthy to lead the community

at large, whether considering the issue of religiosity,

social spirit, wealth, academic ability, physical or

appearance, ethnicity or ethnicity, male or female.

Ideology contains many arguments for persuasion or

against (counter) opposing ideas and greatly affects

various aspects of human life, starting from economic

aspects, education, health, and welfare.

3.6 Power

According to Kebung (2018), the concept of power

constructed by Foucault cannot be viewed in black

and white or negative and positive terms. Power is not

an institution or structure, not a power possessed, but

power is a term used to describe complex strategic

situations in a group of people. The pattern that

develops in every Pileg campaign is mostly done by

mobilizing ethnicity-based masses, where the elites of

the association measure the fanaticism and loyalty of

the legislative candidates through the ideological

struggle of the association.

PSMTI is more about integration, CORE is more

about assimilation. PSMTI adheres to ethnicity and

ancestral traditions with strong roots going back to

China, as was the ideology of the CHH association

during the Dutch colonial era. The INTI is a Chinese

association with strong national principles, by

opening membership to indigenous people, as was the

ideology of the PTI association during the Dutch

colonial era.

In the author's observation, the awareness of the

ethnic Chinese also tends to be manipulated. Either

through direct domination, namely through the orders

and rules of the association, or through hegemony,

namely through ideological discourse that is

distributed to normalize the perspective of this ethnic

group. The goal is to gain electoral benefits in every

election. The ethnic Chinese community eventually

continued to experience symbolic violence.

3.7 Imagined Communities

In an association, of course, it cannot be separated

from what is called the elite of the association. This

elite attitude is also associated with the meaning of

nationality that forms and binds them as imagined

communities. Imagined Communities are socially

constructed communities, imagined by people who

see themselves as part of the group. (Anderson,

1983).

Benedict Anderson's concept is to understand the

meaning of nationalism in Chinese ethnic groups in

Indonesia and the Philippines. Therefore, discussing

imagination, according to the author, cannot be

separated from the discussion about space.

Imagination is something that fills the inner space of

man.

4 DISCUSSIONS

The power relations built by the elites of Chinese

associations will be seen from various perspectives.

How PSMTI and INTI unite perceptions of national

identity, and what are the efforts of these two

associations in breaking the long conflict of

hegemony and ideological power over the ethnic

Chinese that has been rooted since the days of the

Dutch East Indies. The hegemony and power

relations that are constructed with the ideological ties

of the association become the theoretical framework

used by the author to portray the chain of correlation

of the ethnic Chinese citizens with the interests of

China as their ancestral country.

Here, according to the author, the problem lies in

the public space which has been arranged in such a

way that it creates not only physical separation

between the two communities, Chinese and non-

Chinese, but deeper than that, this separation also

encourages the emergence of a "wild" imagination

that cannot be verified by each other. This separation

then becomes stronger and the walls become thicker

when negative prejudices, bitter experiences and

wounds that have arisen during the history of the

"limited" relationship between the two divided

communities become a tool for measuring the whole

community.

ICOSOP 2022 - International Conference on Social and Political Development 4

336

Figure 2: Chinese ethnic identity in the Imagined

Communities Theory.

5 PREVIOUS RESEARCH

The general history of the Chinese in Indonesia is

written in a variety of literatures which most authors

find still relying on relevant passages in Suryadinata's

(1972) work and as described in Chang (1980) and

Somers (1965). McKean & MacKie's (1981) research

describes early history in particular, works on

historical sources of the Chinese in Indonesia, while

Groeneveldt (1960) and Than (1965) write down facts

about relations with the local population and also

about settlements. Chinese people.

Coppel's research (2003) focuses more on

reviewing the ethnic Chinese minority in various

periods of arrival and political phases of their life in

the archipelago, the authors also have to approach

their history in all its richness and complexity.

Regarding the diversity of research results on Chinese

in the country, Suryadinata (1978) argues that the

impetus for a study depends on the background of the

author, it can be from his profession, national and

ethnic origin, socio-political group, or the era in

which he lives.

Studies by indigenous Indonesians who fall into

the second group tend to discuss the "problem" of the

Chinese which refers to the attitude of the majority

towards the Chinese minority. This article can be

found in Anwar (2019), Humaizi, et al., (2019) and

Widhyharto et al., (2020.

6 CONCLUSIONS

Tracking and tracing the political role of the Chinese

in Indonesia is an attempt to uncover various

marginalized political issues and discourses. This

illustrates that the Chinese people are not what the

public thinks that Chinese is synonymous with the

economy. To quote the term Ong Hok Kham, Chinese

is synonymous with economic animal. This term will

be refuted if the pieces of Chinese political history in

Indonesia that are buried in the hustle and bustle of

Indonesian history and even discriminated against in

the historiographical tradition are researched,

reconstructed, and finally understood as an

inseparable part of the political journey of the

Indonesian nation.

The singularity of the field studied in this proposal

is the political reality of Chinese associations in North

Sumatra as an attempt to rediscover Chinese political

history and relate it to the local political stage,

particularly in the Legislative Elections for the DPRD

of North Sumatra and Medan City. This, in the

author's perspective, requires a strategic and

courageous effort considering that the Chinese are

known as an exclusive community and are careful

with ethnic residents outside of them.

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